Language And Politics In India Asha Sarangi Pdf

language and politics in india asha sarangi pdf

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He has published widely in the field of comparative federal studies, territorial party politics and the institutional management of diversity.

As a global organisation, we, like many others, recognize the significant threat posed by the coronavirus. During this time, we have made some of our learning resources freely accessible. Our distribution centres are open and orders can be placed online. Do be advised that shipments may be delayed due to extra safety precautions implemented at our centres and delays with local shipping carriers. This volume-in the Themes in Politics series-focuses on the relationship between language culture and politics power at the social, political, historical, cultural, and ideological levels.

Language and Politics in India

He has published widely in the field of comparative federal studies, territorial party politics and the institutional management of diversity. His current research focuses mainly on territorial party politics, intergovernmental relations and the management of diversity in South Asia with a particular focus on India.

Some of the ideas presented here have emerged from that ongoing collaboration. This article provides a short overview of language policy in India and situates this within a broader comparative perspective.

It argues that India successfully managed to defuse linguistic conflict at the time of independence by combining elements of linguistic territoriality with the protection of linguistic minorities personality and the retention of English as an associate official link language.

States also make decisions on the language of instruction in schools and the use of language in the media more broadly, i.

Finally, states attempt to achieve and maintain the cohesion of a language by settling its scripture, syntax, grammar and vocabulary, i. Multi-lingual states differ in their chosen language policies. These choices are rarely neutral.

They reflect the normative preferences and understandings of political elites and citizens more widely on what is required to make and sustain a sense of national community within a polity. Classical liberalists emphasize the need for a common language to facilitate the emergence of a national or polity-wide demos and they support the right of individuals to use that language in public communication irrespective of their place of living. Although not withholding the right of individuals to speak a language of their choice at home, national integration requires the promotion of a single often dominant language at the expense of minority languages.

In contrast, scholars of liberal nationalism or multiculturalism emphasize the possibility of a polity-wide demos forged out of multiple languages and they support the right of sub-state territories to give preferential treatment to regionally dominant languages. The language policy which a state eventually adopts also reflects the demographic, socio-economic and political power associated with certain language groups within the state Brubaker, For instance, the imposition of Sinhala in Sri Lanka reflected the majoritarian status of this language and its close association with Buddhism as the dominant religion.

Ultimately, privileging Sinhala supported the building of Sri Lanka as a Buddhist nation, at the expense of its Tamil-speaking and predominantly Hindu Tamil minority. It also reduced, though not extinguished the role of English as an official link-language. Not all multilingual states are federal, but in most multi-lingual states, citizens who speak the same mother tongue tend to live territorially concentrated.

Therefore, federalism — the constitutional division of powers between a centre and territorial sub-state entities — is well-suited to accommodate multilingualism. Secondly although it is usually within the remit of the central or federal government to determine which language must be spoken in communication with the central government and institutions, federal units may be free to set their own status and acquisition language policies.

Despite these two principles, we observe wide differences in the practice of language policy across federal states. For instance, in Belgium, the territory comprising the Flemish and Walloon Region are uniformly Dutch and French-speaking leaving aside a few municipalities predominantly near Brussels holding linguistic minorities.

Therefore, citizens in Flanders must address the federal, regional and local authorities in Dutch, attend schools in that language and use it in the workplace. In Wallonia, the same principle applies to French, whereas in Brussels citizens are free to choose either language.

French and English in Canada. Is there a middle way between the Belgian territorial approach to linguistic diversity and that of the Canadian though not Quebec government which is built on personality? In answering this question, I provide some insights from India, one of the most linguistically diverse countries in the word, with, according to the census, languages spoken by more than 10, citizens and 60 by more than , Scholars of comparative language politics and policy usually uphold India as a relatively successful example of the management of linguistic diversity Brass, ; , Bajpai, , Stepan et.

Like its neighbour to the North Pakistan and South-East Sri Lanka , language policy was an important issue at independence. During colonial times, English acquired an important status as an elite language, used in higher education, the courts or official communication more generally. Yet, vernacular languages were allowed to play a role; especially in education. After all, the British empire lacked the resources to roll out English across all schools and administration.

With Indian independence on the horizon, the retention of English as an official language was queried, especially due to its non-vernacular origins and its association with colonization. However, the linguistic fractionalization of India meant that a vernacular alternative could not be found so easily. While a plurality of Indians understood Hindi, it was not the mother tongue for about 60 percent of the population.

When the matter was put to a vote in Constituent Assembly, 78 members cast their vote in favor of Hindi with 77 against. In light of this smallest of possible majorities, it was decided to postpone its implementation until , but in the meantime, commissions were set up to oversee the phasing out of English and supervise the progress of Hindi as the national language Chandhoke Although the eventual privileging of Hindi was envisaged, this plan coincided with the sanctioning of regional languages enlisted in Schedule VIII of the Constitution.

The federated entities states were free to promote these regional languages in their communication with citizens or schooling. However, this measure also provoked concerns among speakers of important minority languages within these states. For instance, Telugu speaking citizens of Madras in the South feared that their language was suppressed by the dominant Tamil-speaking political elites of the state. This provoked massive protests which persuaded Indian leaders to embark on a process of linguistic reorganization.

That said, the Hindi-speaking states of the North were not merged into one unit, thus preventing the formation of a federal unit which could dominate the others in the union. If anything, state reorganizations after have divided some of these Hindi-speaking states further as in the case of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttarakhand as well as for the first time in a non-Hindi speaking state Telangana which was carved out of Andhra Pradesh despite sharing the Telugu language.

In , the decision to upgrade Hindi to a national language was kicked in the long grass and has not -yet- come to pass. Hindi became an official language and English retained the status of associate official language. Since — with some modifications — 1 the medium of instruction for children during the first ten years of education primary and secondary is their mother tongue -if numbers warrant- or an official state language. In addition, pupils receive 2 6 years of minimum education in Hindi or English introduced as of 5th-7th grade and 3 three years of education in another modern Indian or foreign language introduced in 8th to 10th grade Groff, Hindi and English preoccupy a special position as all-India languages, as is the main language of the state in which Indians are resident which may or may not be Hindi.

These linguistic minorities therefore need to learn Hindi, English and the language of the state in which they reside in addition to their mother tongue which may or may not be the official language of a different Indian state. Overall, this linguistic compromise appears to have worked reasonably well. Some of these challenges have become more obvious with the arrival of a Hindu-nationalist party in government at the center, headed by Narendra Modi.

The Hindu nationalist BJP has been in power with an absolute parliamentary majority since against expectations, it even increased its majority in the general elections. The rise of Hindu and Hindi nationalism reopened the debate on the status of English as an associate official language and the promotion of Hindi as the lead national language.

Official tweets of the Indian government are often issued in Hindi, Modi addresses most rallies in Hindi and Devanagari script was also introduced on new rupee notes. Furthermore, efforts are made to increase the position of Hindi in education Montaut For instance, in April , the Centre sought to make Hindi compulsory in all Central Board of Secondary Education Affiliated Schools across India, at least until grade 10, though pledged to do so in consultation with the states Sengupta b.

This provoked the state governments of West Bengal and Kerala into making Bengali and Malayam compulsory within their state educational systems ibid.

For instance, in the case of West Bengal they could strengthen the grievances of the Nepali-speaking minority in Darjeeling who may push for separate statehood as a result. Hindu nationalists also undermine the protection and provision of Urdu in state-schools given its association with Islam. Due to a lack of Urdu medium-schools in North India, the instruction of Urdu is often left to madrasas, strengthening its association with Islam and weakening the knowledge of the strong secular tradition within Urdu literature Matthews Educational provision in Urdu is hampered by the fact that Urdu does not have majority status in any of the Indian states, including in Jammu and Kashmir, the only state in which Urdu is the official state language.

The language survey of already demonstrated that the share of Urdu speakers in the Hindi-belt of North India has dropped compared with , in contrast with the South where it has gained further ground The Wire Hindi nationalism may turn language into a more salient issue in Indian Politics once more.

Even without it, the current compromise displayed signs of instability which have not been subject to detailed research. The number of languages included has increased progressively from 14 at independence to 22 at present. Yet, inclusion is often seen as a stepping stone towards making languages official and thus compulsory for official or administrative purposes in the state in which they dominate Sarangi, Second, linguistic federalism while making states more linguistically homogenous, has not eradicated linguistic minorities Sridhar The Indian constitution protects the language rights of these minorities.

Finally, language provisions in the educational sector are contested. Conversely, at the state level instruction in the mother tongue may not be offered to linguistic minorities in view of the lower-status of their language, e. Furthermore, many parents opt to send their children to private schools where the medium of instruction is English; the most popular language at college or university level and the language with the widest employment opportunities.

The prevalence which parents and children place on the medium of instruction may produce a disjuncture between the formal intent of the three-language-formula in education and its perception on the ground. The Indian case generates important insights for the management of linguistic diversity in large multi-lingual polities or organizations, from Nigeria, South Africa to Indonesia and the European Union. It also provides an important test case for the how normative precepts of language policy play out on the ground.

Scholars of comparative language politics in plurilingual states should move beyond the usual suspects of Canada, Belgium, Spain and Switzerland, and bring in more experience from plurilingual states from the Global South.

Suggested Citation: Swenden, W. Available at:. Adeney, K. Austin G. Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bajpai, R. Brass, P. Brubaker, R. Choudhry, S. Groff, C. Kymlicka, W and Patten, A. LaDousa C. Matthews, D. Montaut A. Roy, eds. Sarangi, A. Sengupta, P. Stepan, A. Swenden, W. Van Parijs, P. Wright, S. From Nationalism to Globalisation.

Palgrave: Macmillan, 2 nd ed.

Language and Politics in India

Interrogating Reorganisation of States : Asha Sarangi. D University of Chicago Jawaharlal. Language and Politics - Oxford University Press. FREE shipping on qualifying offers. Language and the Making of Modern India shows how regional and national formations are not opposed but reproduce each other in multiple ways. Asha Sarangi Ambedkar consistently argued that the proposed linguistic states would become socially more homogeneous and politically democratic in due course of time.

Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book.

It turns out that the question concerning the sense of existence and its destruction is essentially tied up with the question of violence: violence as radical destruction of sense for and of existence. Responses to this question, however, can be as irreducible and singular as can they be varied and multiple. The chapters in this book, first presented as papers in a conference held in April at the Indian Institute of Advanced St The chapters in this book, first presented as papers in a conference held in April at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, attempts to ask this question anew and to renew possible responses to such an important question of our time. Taking up the religious and linguistic forms of violence as their main focus, these chapters argue that the place of violence in our contemporary historical condition has accelerated to an ever immeasurable level, and that this demands urgent responses from intellectuals and activists alike.


Language and Politics in India focuses on the relationship between language (​culture) and politics (power) at the social, political, historical, cultural, and.


Language Policy in India: An Unstable Equilibrium?

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Skip to main content. Ambedkar and the Linguistic States Ambedkar consistently argued that the proposed linguistic states would become socially more homogeneous and politically democratic in due course of time. His proposals about the formation of linguistic states emanated from his democratic impulse to accord political and cultural recognition to the term region, otherwise defined predominantly in a geographical spatial sense. He gave importance to the size of the population of a state and had suggested the creation of present-day Uttaranchal, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh in his writings. He wanted Bombay to be a separate city state, while Maharashtra would remain representative of Gujaratis and Marathis.

Asha Sarangi - Language And Politics In India

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Published ideology and political economy, all of which are keenly manifest in the. University of Pune. Asha Sarangi ed. New Delhi: Oxford. Tables, figures, plates, maps. Get this from a library!

Economic and Political Weekly

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